peting with the network provider.
Similarly, a network provider may
have an incentive to exclude or slow
down selected bandwidth-intensive
applications to manage bandwidth
on its network, even if the network
provider does not offer a competing
application itself. At the same time,
the resulting harm—users’ inability
to participate in social, cultural or
democratic discourse related to the
blocked content, their inability to use
the Internet in the way that is most
valuable to them, or application developers’ difficulty to obtain funding
for an application—is caused by the
blocking as such, not by the motivations that were driving it.
Second, even blocking that hurts
Rebuttal: David Farber
I thinK aLL of us would agree
with a basic premise underlying Barbara van Schewick’s
comments—that the ability
of consumers and business
to access the content and applications
of their choice, without interference,
is vital to the continued evolution of
the Internet and the innovation, social
progress, and economic advancements
it promises.
But van Schewick paints with too
broad a brush. She asserts “a rule
against blocking and discrimination
is at the core of all Net neutrality proposals.” If only that were the case—ask
six different Net neutrality proponents
and you’ll get six different definitions.
illUstration by leander herzog
Van Schewick suggests there are
incentives to discriminate or interfere with traffic. Providers are not free
to operate in the market as they wish
with no government role or policies.
Since 2003, the FCC has had a set of
principles in place it uses to oversee
the broadband market. It uses them
to assess developments in the market and where necessary, to engage in
enforcement activities. The FCC used
these principles in the Comcast case.
Whether you agree or disagree with the
FCC’s findings and conclusions, the
reality is the principles have acted as
a framework not only for the FCC, but
a competitor is not necessarily prohibited by Farber’s proposed regime.
In U.S. antitrust law, which Farber’s
regime is designed to mirror, the
term “anticompetitive” has a much
narrower meaning than nonlawyers
would expect.a For example, if a network provider excludes an application
such as Bit Torrent from access to the
provider’s Internet service customers,
this only constitutes “
anticompetitive” conduct under U.S. antitrust law
if it creates a “dangerous probability of
a In particular, as Farber explains in his excerpt
from an Op-Ed with economists Michael Katz
and Gerald Faulhaber and legal scholar Chris
Yoo, it requires a proof of “harm to competition,” not just to a competitor.
success” that the network provider will
monopolize the nationwide market for
BitTorrent-like applications. That the
network provider’s customers cannot
use BitTorrent, or that BitTorrent is
excluded from a part of the nationwide
market, is irrelevant in the context of
antitrust law, but not in the context of
the network neutrality debate that focuses on different types of harm.
Prohibiting only “anticompetitive”
conduct will not prevent all relevant discrimination. To protect user choice and
the Internet’s ability to realize its potential, we need rules that prohibit blocking and discrimination of applications
and content regardless of the underlying motivation and independent of the
network provider’s market share.
also for industry, consumers, and advocates. While these principles are not
regulations, they are powerful in the
sense that they set expectations and
they have the merit of being flexible
and adaptive and in that sense much
more in sync with the Internet’s core
underpinnings.
In addition to the FCC’s principles,
the consumers are protected by many
“eyes” watching the Internet and how
it is working, including the FCC’s enforcement role, the consumer protection and antitrust oversight of the FTC,
and competition among providers. Because the Internet’s protocols are open
and because there are literally thousands of networks, millions of Web
sites, and more than a billions of users
online, there are lots of folks watching
what is going on at all levels of the Internet. Companies doing dumb things
won’t get away with it too long, despite
her comments to contrary. Consumers
do have to be aware of what is going on
in order to help ensure that companies
are not taking actions that may harm
them. That is why while regulations
and new laws are potentially harmful
in my view, there are some actions that
should be taken.
There does need to be far more
transparency on the part of companies
regarding how their broadband services work, what types of network management activities they engage in and how
those activities might affect consumers. Content and applications providers too need to be far more transparent
about how their applications affect the
Internet and consumers themselves.
Moreover, more transparency at
the higher levels of the Internet—
particularly the backbone—would help
academics and Internet experts to better understand how well the Internet
is working, what applications may be
causing the most problems, and where
network congestion problems are occurring or likely to occur.
Finally, Internet experts and academics need to avoid policy polemics
and engage in more rigorous analysis,
assessments, and fact-based reporting
on issues like congestion. While there
is not as much data out there as we
would like, we can do more to develop
rigorously balanced analysis that can
help policymakers understand emerging issues around broadband networks
and applications.
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